Opinion | The N.B.A. Is Choosing Hoops Over Human Rights in Abu Dhabi

In a bygone era, N.B.A. teams enforced an unofficial quota on Black players, apparently fearing that a “too Black” team might alienate its white audience. Today, this same league is celebrated as one of the world’s most progressive sports organizations.

Indeed, N.B.A. and W.N.B.A. players have consistently demonstrated over the years that athletes can be drivers of change, helping to create a more just and equal society. The N.B.A., after struggling with racism and injustice, is now a leading advocate of diversity and positions social justice as a core mission. The league has aligned itself with movements like Black Lives Matter, proclaimed the value of freedom of expression and established initiatives such as the Kareem Abdul-Jabbar Social Justice Champion Award, honoring players who make significant strides in the fight for social justice.

However, the N.B.A.’s commitment to these values starkly contrasts with its recent partnership with Abu Dhabi, one of the seven emirates that constitute the United Arab Emirates — a nation accused of human rights violations. On Oct. 4 and 6, the Boston Celtics and the Denver Nuggets will play preseason games in Abu Dhabi as part of a broad multiyear deal between the N.B.A. and the emirate dating to 2022, when the first preseason dates there took place. This raises a critical question: Can the N.B.A. maintain its standing as a beacon of its professed ideals while being a partner with such a regime?

Over the past few decades, the N.B.A. has expanded globally, promoting basketball and its brand while cultivating new markets around the world. And while its partnerships with repressive regimes are not limited to the United Arab Emirates — its ties with countries including China and Rwanda have also warranted scrutiny — the upcoming Abu Dhabi games underscore the persistent conflict between the league’s professed values and its engagement with an authoritarian regime.

The United Arab Emirates’ suppression of free speech and political dissent and its harsh treatment of critics have been well documented, although new laws in recent years have provided more protection for women and migrant workers on paper. Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch frequently report on the United Arab Emirates’ lack of judicial transparency, limiting of women’s rights, criminalization of L.G.B.T.Q.+ individuals and exploitation of migrant workers.

Regarding civil liberties and political rights, the United Arab Emirates ranks among the lowest countries globally, with a Freedom House Index score of just 18 out of 100, classifying it as “not free.” Comparatively, Qatar — which came under heavy scrutiny in the lead-up to the 2022 FIFA World Cup for its human rights violations, including exploitation of migrant workers, a lack of L.G.B.T.Q.+ rights and restrictions on women’s rights — scores slightly higher, at 25. Yet while Qatar’s human rights issues sparked significant and justified global criticism, the United Arab Emirates’ equally troubling record has largely flown under the radar, particularly in the context of high-profile sports.

Maybe that’s not surprising: The United Arab Emirates’ level of press freedom has also deteriorated, recently sinking to new lows. Its government actively suppresses both local and foreign independent media, tracking down and punishing dissenting voices, with expatriate Emirati journalists facing possible harassment, arrest and even extradition. According to the Reporters Without Borders Press Freedom Index, the United Arab Emirates dropped from 138th in 2022 to 160th out of 180 countries in 2024.

The N.B.A.’s deputy commissioner, Mark Tatum, when asked for a comment on the country’s human rights record, said the league doesn’t agree “with every law or viewpoint” there or in the other countries where it connects with fans. “We condemn human rights violations wherever they occur,” he said, adding that the league’s “engagement through sports” is “overwhelmingly positive.”

In one of the best-known incidents involving the N.B.A. and a nation with human rights problems, China reacted angrily to a Houston Rockets executive who tweeted in support of pro-democracy protesters in Hong Kong. Critics felt the N.B.A. showed too much deference to China in the aftermath of the rift, which likely cost it hundreds of millions of dollars in a major market.

U.A.E. leaders say that partnerships such as the one with the N.B.A. are part of a broader strategy to develop the country and position it as a global hub for sports and entertainment. When the partnership was sealed, Mohamed Khalifa al-Mubarak, chairman of the Department of Culture and Tourism — Abu Dhabi, emphasized this vision while also highlighting the country’s commitment to “empowering youth” and “developing young talent and healthy lifestyles.”

How young people can be empowered while being deprived of important basic rights remains unexplained. Just as likely, these partnerships could be driven by the regime’s political self-interest as much as by a commitment to social development. The N.B.A.’s partnership with the United Arab Emirates fits seamlessly into the country’s evident efforts to use sports for diplomatic and political gain, helping mask its poor human rights record.

The collaboration extends beyond games. Earlier this year, the N.B.A. announced a multiyear partnership with the flagship airline Emirates, owned by Dubai’s government, naming it the official global airline partner of the N.B.A. This deal also includes Emirates as the title sponsor of the N.B.A.’s in-season tournament — now called the Emirates N.B.A. Cup — and made the airline the first jersey patch partner for referees in the N.B.A., the W.N.B.A. and the G League.

In recent decades, authoritarian regimes have increasingly turned to sports in what is widely seen as a strategy to generate international good will, forge diplomatic connections, attract tourism and obscure human rights violations. The United Arab Emirates exemplifies this trend, aiming to establish itself as a major sports hub in the Middle East. Two of the seven emirates, Dubai and Abu Dhabi, are at the forefront of global sports investments. A prime example is the acquisition of the Manchester City football club in 2008 by Abu Dhabi United Group, owned by Sheikh Mansour bin Zayed al-Nahyan, a key member of the Abu Dhabi royal family.

Sheikh Mansour, who also serves as the Emirates’ vice president and is the brother of the U.A.E. president, has been instrumental in the establishment and expansion of City Football Group, a global football empire. Founded in 2013, the group now boasts a portfolio of 13 clubs in countries including the United States, Australia, Japan, China, Italy, India and Britain.

Emirates sponsors major football clubs as well as the four grand slams in tennis, the Rugby World Cup and the horse race with the world’s most prize money, the Dubai World Cup. The United Arab Emirates has also hosted numerous high-profile sporting events, such as Formula 1 races, U.F.C. events and the 2021 FIFA Club World Cup.

As the 2024 Abu Dhabi games approach, media outlets, players and fans must hold the N.B.A. accountable. Partnering with the United Arab Emirates is not merely a commercial act; it is also a direct engagement with a government linked to human rights violations. By ignoring these transgressions, the N.B.A. not only jeopardizes its longstanding commitment to social justice but also diminishes the impact of its past victories.

Stanis Elsborg is a senior analyst at Play the Game, an initiative promoting democracy, transparency and freedom of expression in sport.

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